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Medical Treatment for Aspergers

This post discusses strategies that assist in medication treatment of people with Aspergers and high functioning autism. Elsewhere, there are recent reviews offering detailed information on medications used for HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM and ASPERGERS [1]. The objective here is to discuss the logic and organization of medication treatments for symptoms of ASPERGERS and ways to decide which medications may be useful.

ASPERGERS and HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM have moved from being esoteric, “boutique” conditions into the mainstream of child and adolescent psychiatric practice. Diligent practitioners recognize they must be informed about the diagnosis, course, and treatment of these disorders. Recent epidemiologic studies suggest a prevalence of approximately 19–67/10,000 people for autism spectrum disorders [2], [3], [4]. Moreover, autism spectrum disorders are no longer the exclusive province of specialists. A typical child and adolescent psychiatric practice is likely to see individuals from the roughly 50%–60% of the PDD population who are “high functioning,” that is, they have good functional semantic language skills and average or greater IQ. Many people with these disorders have mood and behavioral problems [5], and moderate to severe symptoms certainly lead moms/dads to seek treatment with a child and adolescent psychiatrist. Reports from education departments suggest children with these conditions represent a large influx of new special education children [6] and place a heavy demand on education systems.

Although there has been an effort to identify features that differentiate HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM and some ASPERGERS [7], [8], it is premature to be confident about this distinction [9], [10], [11], [12]. Specifically, longitudinal studies have not demonstrated differences in prognosis [9], [13]; it is possible that the outcome can overlap [11]. There is no evidence that the groups show a different response to interventions for social skills development or that there are differences in basic information processing [14], [15], [16], [17], [18]. Furthermore, there is no evidence that the two disorders exhibit genetic specificity or different recurrence risks. There are no differences in neuropathology that have been demonstrated [19]. This discussion therefore considers both “high functioning” groups together under the designation ASPERGERS. For the purposes of pharmacologic treatment this is particularly justifiable because no studies have reported differences in medication responses in those people with HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM compared with those with ASPERGERS.

Core features and the mechanics of pharmacologic treatment—

It is essential for anyone who takes responsibility for pharmacologic treatment to understand the phenomenology and course of ASPERGERS (discussed elsewhere in this issue). The specific features of ASPERGERS exhibited by a patient influence the treatment one chooses and how the treatment is assisted for that patient (and family). The nature of ASPERGERS introduces specific and sizable challenges, particularly when using pharmacologic treatments. Building a relationship and gaining the patient's trust can be hard to accomplish; individuals often feel forced to take medication and commonly recoil from the idea of medication treatment. Understandably, many individuals are so frightened of the effects of medications that they cannot put those fears aside enough to try one. The amount of anxiety that makes it appropriate to consider medication for a patient can also interfere with him or her adhering to a prescription. Despite the enormous interference or distress their symptoms generate, many individuals cannot put aside their worries about the medication. The family and a trusted physician may be the only individuals the patient will allow to counter these fears. Usually, creating a therapeutic framework for medication treatment that achieves this rapport requires time and several visits [20].

Many of the difficulties with anger, perseveration, or anxiety are more distressing to those around the patient than to the patient himself (or herself). People with ASPERGERS commonly lack the ability to perceive the signals of comfort or pleasure of others or, once acquired, to use others' emotions to guide their behaviors. Lacking this ability, individuals struggle with the initial fears related to taking medication or entering into other therapy that might help them get along with others. Often they cannot see why they should be required to take a medication simply because others are upset. Threatening an unpleasant consequence is often ineffective. People with ASPERGERS can be willing to accept dreadful consequences rather than yield control to someone else, compromise a rigidly held rule, contain a pressing urge, or tackle managing an anxious feeling.

Another hurdle is the shortcomings individuals have in identifying their own internal mood states and emotions. As a result, the clinician may be unable to gauge whether individuals experience less subjective anxiety, sadness, or anger. The patient's psychological “comfort” may not be available to the clinician for rating improvement. To monitor progress, the clinician is compelled to draw on multiple observations, rely more or less exclusively on the patient's somatic experience, and to use highly concrete measures with individuals. Treating adult individuals who are living independently and are unwilling to allow others to participate in their treatment is particularly challenging.

An associated obstacle is the deficits ASPERGERS people have perceiving and understanding other individual's intentions, wishes, or needs. The blindness to others often contributes to the ASPERGERS person's inability to grasp how their reactions contributed to a bad result; more often they believe they are being persecuted. The bona fide teasing and persecution that are a common part of their day-to-day experience only adds to this. For the person with ASPERGERS, it may be impossible to tell the difference. Nevertheless, the person with ASPERGERS is likely to be oblivious to how their actions contributed to a chain of events that ended in an outburst or aggression, or even to believe that the outcome should be averted in the future. This blindness also produces a tendency to accuse those around them of causing problems; faulting others is highly characteristic and is a direct result of the primary disorder. This should not to be confused with the more common psychological defenses of avoiding responsibility and assigning blame that are used by more socially skillful, typical agemates.

Many people with ASPERGERS display profound weaknesses in the ability to observe sequences of events and transactions accurately and in understanding the “logical” responses of those around them. ASPERGERS kids can be highly concrete; the “big picture” of behaviors and emotions is often lost to an excessive attention to small changes in circumstances or minor details. They often have a flawed sense of proportion. For example, premeditated, forceful, retaliation may be viewed as a justified response to someone else's small blunder.

In addition, ASPERGERS people often are rigid in their behaviors with inflexible routines, dedication to unnecessary rules, or ritualized behaviors. Sometimes these may be no more than a minor irritation to others, but when severe, they can obstruct action and exasperate those around them. Severe rigidity can be highly frustrating to others, and attempts to counter it may produce aggressive reactions from the patient. For all this, such individuals may perceive that “if only individuals let me do what I want” there would be no problems at all. ASPERGERS individuals are not merely immature ordinary kids or adolescents.

In addition to these, several other obstacles are related to the state of the field. First, no pharmacologic agent influences the core pragmatic social deficits such as misinterpreting cues or failure to appreciate social cues and nuances. As a result, there is no one algorithm to follow that targets the primary source of impairment or the greatest source of difficulty for the patient. Second, there is an absence of high quality, valid studies of the efficacy of different pharmacologic agents for specific symptoms in this population. Most of the studies are case reports or small-scale, open, unblinded trials [1]. This requires the clinician to take findings from studies of other disorders in the hope that the results translate to ASPERGERS. This presumption is entirely theoretic at this point. Much of the time, a clinician has no way to gauge the patient's response in comparison with other people with this condition; global functioning may or may not be meaningfully improved. A third obstacle is the absence of treatment and outcome studies of ASPERGERS with comorbid conditions.

For example, it may be erroneous to presume that mood dysregulation and the response to mood stabilizers in the context of ASPERGERS is identical to bipolar disorder in an otherwise ordinary adolescent. Nearly all treatment studies of other childhood disorders exclude people with PDD spectrum disorders. Consequently, when a patient appears in the clinician's consulting room, unless one has the luxury of a previous relationship and sense of that patient's baseline functioning, one cannot know what the individual looks like when the comorbid condition is “resolved.” Most of the core social impairments are likely to remain, although functional gains are possible.

Treatment strategies—

In response to these challenges, there are strategies that therapists can adopt that increase their chance of success. A prominent characteristic of the care of individuals with ASPERGERS is the need for therapists to integrate behavioral and pharmacologic treatments [21]. Thus, treatment strategies must embrace nonpharmacologic and pharmacologic interventions. The strategies shared by both interventions are genuinely complementary. Behavioral and pharmacologic care must establish realistic expectations, optimize the home and school (or work) environment, implement strong parental collaboration, and focus on specific symptom clusters.

It is most important to establish realistic expectations about the effect of medication (and other treatments). Many individuals are drawn to pharmacologic treatment with the expectation that the response will be rapid and complete. Excessively positive expectations may be intrinsic to ASPERGERS, but they also can be related to the anxiety that one is hoping to alleviate. In any case, anxious ASPERGERS individuals often are unable to cope with the constraints that treatments are imperfect and require time. Even for individuals with more common disorders, rigidly holding to over-optimistic expectations can undermine treatment under the best of circumstances. For individuals with ASPERGERS, having such expectations may be exceptionally likely. More than others, people with ASPERGERS may require the relief that comes from things being predictable and uncomplicated. They may be highly anxious about treatments that take time and give mixed results.

For people with ASPERGERS more than others, achieving a different outcome from the one that was anticipated may be harder to endure. Many individuals also have the mistaken idea that their symptoms will remit more quickly with pharmacologic treatment than with behavioral psychotherapies. It is therefore important for the clinician and the patient to understand that there are no “magic bullets,” nor any “quick fixes” when it comes to treating these symptoms.

People with ASPERGERS also may be more prone to side effects. Typical kids and adolescents may experience these as more of a nuisance than a source of major impairment, but people with ASPERGERS often find even minor side effects hard to tolerate. The exquisite and atypical sensory world of people with ASPERGERS means that they may experience a greater variety and rate of these kinds of side effects. When side effects appear, they often outstrip the patient's ability to follow conventional advice “to just ignore it.” We do not know if the actual amount of discomfort is greater or if the means for self-soothing, distraction, or rationalization are insubstantial.

In either case, some ASPERGERS people cannot tolerate some medications because of “minor” side effects that individuals who do not have ASPERGERS handle with relative ease. In addition, they may be less likely to report side effects, or may allude to them in a manner that makes it much harder to detect them. Therapists may be misled by comments that are offered in a flat, toneless manner, suggesting minor uneasiness for the patient when in fact they are extremely distressing. Similarly, highly concrete individuals may not report side effects because the clinician does not ask about each specific one. Some individuals stop their medication without telling the clinician in order to extricate themselves from the discomfort of side effects or having to talk about them.

Although therapists frequently believe environmental and educational interventions can be helpful, physicians often rely on medication. This may be the request of the patient and others in his or her life, but it may not serve the patient in all circumstances.

A large 15-year-old youth with HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM attending a day school program displayed average receptive language but weak expressive language abilities. He was referred with the expressed request to increase the dose of his neuroleptic medication after showing increased agitation, irritability, and physical behavior at school. It seemed that these behaviors increased sharply over 3 weeks. He had been sent home several times in the last month following noncompliance with requests, outbursts of anger, and knocking over furniture. When asked, program staff did not remark on any precipitants. The patient's moms/dads reported an increase in anxiety at home. Discussion with the patient's moms/dads revealed that this young man had been expressing concerns over an impending labor strike at his program. He had reiterated, in an echoic way, conversations occurring in his presence among staff about the prospects for abrupt cessation of the program. At home he was tearful, apologetic, and anxious. Staff members at the program were unaware that he grasped their remarks or that the comments might influence him. When they explained that he would be given advance warning of any changes and he would continue to receive services in other ways, his agitation, outbursts, and irritability ended.

Thus, pharmacotherapy certainly has a place in an overall treatment plan, but physicians must be particularly mindful that educational and behavioral supports are the mainstays of treatment for these conditions. Medication can augment services, but when educational and other services are inadequate or unavailable, pharmacotherapy cannot make up the difference. Similarly, acute behavior changes usually should lead one to implement educational and behavioral supports that may be helpful before adding pharmacotherapy, except in uncommon circumstances that are discussed in detail later.

Parental collaboration is necessary to accomplish adequate medication treatment for ASPERGERS. This goes well beyond helping a patient make the necessary changes in his daily routine that taking a medication imposes and assuring his adherence to a medication regimen. The nature of ASPERGERS itself places additional demands on moms/dads and caretakers to participate in the treatment. Most individuals with ASPERGERS are weak intrinsically in their abilities to perceive their actions or feelings, recall them accurately, compare them at one time with another time, or observe a pattern of emotional or behavioral responses to events or a context. Kids and adolescents with ASPERGERS, to a greater extent than typical kids and adolescents, cannot grasp or respond to the intentions, needs, and desires of others. At an elemental level, they have only a modest awareness of the difficulties their symptoms create for themselves and those around them.

Thus, moms/dads play a crucial role in monitoring the patient by providing information to the physician, administering medication, observing for side effects, and noting behavioral and emotional effects. On the one hand, therapists might imagine that medication treatment for kids with ASPERGERS might be simpler if one chose to meet with only a parent. Safe use of these medications requires that the patient inform his or her doctor about side effects, however, and have the chance to voice any worries he or she harbors. It is equally true that kids with ASPERGERS tend to be self-centered and limited in their focus, which undermines the value of their subjective reports of overall functioning and improvement. As a result, objective reports of behavior, mood, and general functioning are needed. Taken altogether, a vital objective of the treatment relationship is gaining a sturdy, reliable, comfortable, knowledgeable collaboration with the individuals' moms/dads and with the individuals.

All ASPERGERS treatment is only relatively specific now. This will be so until research identifies the specific neurochemical or genetic defects that produce ASPERGERS and discovers a biologic or behavioral treatment that targets those defects. To make treatment specific, the psychopharmacologist cannot merely prescribe whatever is new or untested. Decisions about which agents to use should be based on what is likely to be most helpful for the individual patient's symptoms. A symptom-focused method means that the clinician is seeking the patterns of behavior in his or her specific patient with ASPERGERS that are creating obstacles to optimal educational and social experiences. It is an imperfect process and forces therapists to assess what can be achieved with educational and behavioral treatments, and to be knowledgeable about what symptoms medications are capable of ameliorating. The clinician's goal is a reduction in the specific symptoms that interfere with functioning. It is extremely unlikely that current medications will increase skills, but they may reduce the interference a patient experiences and allow him to use the skills he possesses.

Establishing treatment priorities—

The quantity, scale, and range of difficulties experienced by ASPERGERS people can be perplexing. Everyone involved, the patient, family, and clinician, can be swept up in this complexity. The first challenge is to create the hierarchy of symptoms and the problems they create. Often, difficulties fall into a cluster of symptoms. The primary task of the clinician is to determine which symptoms should be targeted first. Box 1 suggests the questions and order of consideration when approaching this quandary. Although no clinical trials have used combined approaches, it is likely that combined modalities will be a part of the youngster's care outside the consulting room. Creating a hierarchy of specific symptoms lends itself to behavioral and pharmacologic modalities. In coordinating services, simultaneously directing behavioral and pharmacologic treatments to the same symptoms may well enhance the response.

Box 1: Considerations for establishing treatment priorities—

1. Symptoms that threaten the safety of patient, family members, or others

2. Symptoms that generate subjective distress for the patient

3. Symptoms that are sources of adversity in the family's life

4. Symptoms that jeopardize sustained educational progress

Safety is the most compelling reason that ASPERGERS individuals are referred for pharmacotherapy. Aggression and violent outbursts are common in people with ASPERGERS [22], [23], and people with ASPERGERS commonly engage in other types of dangerous behaviors such as throwing or destroying objects [23]. Moreover, there are features of the disorder that make aggression and self-injury harder to control. Among other reasons, deficits in abilities to soothe and comfort themselves, the comparative insignificance of others' distress, rigid adherence to patterns or behaviors, deficits in generalizing from one circumstance to another, and the tendency to engage in repetitive and stereotyped behaviors may contribute to this intractability. As a result, the safety to individuals and those around them are the highest priority.

A patient's subjective distress takes center stage once safety is not a primary worry. Relief of suffering in itself is a worthy objective, but focusing on the distress of ASPERGERS individuals goes beyond this generic physician mandate. ASPERGERS individuals who are sad, anxious, or continually irritable are thwarted in their ability to learn, monitor themselves, and “read” their environment. Their emotions override their abilities to perceive events and think through the solutions to everyday problems; they cannot respond with the necessary flexibility to the rapidly changing demands of the social world. As a result, subjective distress closes off opportunities to learn information, increase social relating, and gain new social skills. A patient in continual distress is likely to be unable to demonstrate his or her actual abilities.

The effects of an ASPERGERS youngster's symptoms on a family are diverse, and some symptoms can be exceptionally taxing. Adverse effects on a family can be difficult to isolate and harder still to quantify. (Volumes could be written on the effect of ASPERGERS on families.) Clearly, some symptoms exhibited by ASPERGERS kids exceed what families can manage and may jeopardize a youngster remaining at home. Symptoms that imperil a youngster living at home deserve the most strenuous efforts to avert institutional or foster placements. The way a family adapts to a youngster with ASPERGERS grows out of a complex interplay of the youngster's constitutional factors, such as his skills, deficits, and temperament, and the measure of limitations and demands of other family members that must be met. Cultural influences and community responses also can have a potent moderating or amplifying effect. Certainly the way moms/dads and siblings adapt to a youngster's limitations and demands is a factor in the youngster's overall adaptation.

The clinician may be required to decide which contributions to an adverse family environment warrant family treatment, couples treatment, or further psychoeducational interventions, and which are likely to benefit from pharmacotherapy. A common misjudgment is using medications to treat the patient's symptoms when a parent's depression or anxiety is a major contribution to family strain. Frequently, high levels of parental distress lead therapists to prescribe for the youngster rather than educate moms/dads and recommend that they obtain treatment. This is not to advocate that family members must be infinitely adaptable to impairing symptoms in a youngster or that family problems are always the result of parental disorders. The point is that family distress has many sources. Using medication may reduce a patient's inflexibility, instability, and anxiety, and thereby enhance life at home for everyone. If the relentless stress of raising a youngster with ASPERGERS has fueled depression or an anxiety disorder in a parent, or inflamed conflicts in a marriage, however, usually treating only the youngster is insufficient. To treat clinical disorders in a parent or the tensions between partners, it is most likely that specific treatment is needed.

Similar to the risk for being unable to continue living at home, some behaviors can jeopardize a good educational placement. For example, when minor daily schedule changes lead a youngster to display aggression, withdrawal, or severe tantrums, if the school placement is at risk then there may be a role for medication to supplement vigorous behavioral efforts. This is particularly relevant when the program previously met a youngster's needs and then no longer is able to because of increasing symptoms or new symptoms that programmatic changes cannot reduce. On the other hand, not every program is ideal for every student. Some school placements do not fit the youngster's needs well and on occasion there are requests for medication that are based on a misunderstanding of the patient and his or her disorder. Medication should not be used to force a fit to a school program that poorly matches a patient's needs. Discussions with educators, moms/dads, special education administrators, and autism resource staff at the school often are necessary to sort out important medication decisions.

Characterizing symptoms—

Behavioral and pharmacologic treatments of ASPERGERS share a basic principle—a detailed characterization of the specific symptoms is needed to select the proper intervention. In part this is an outgrowth of the integration of behavioral and pharmacologic approaches. However, even if the integration of behavioral supports and biologic interventions were not necessary, these symptom details would be needed. A careful analysis of symptoms is important because the choice of interventions is influenced by symptom characteristics. Furthermore, the wide array of symptoms engenders an inclination of those closest to the youngster to lose sight, over time, of the intervention targets. When observers turn their attention to a new troubling cluster of symptoms, a treatment that has been effective may be reinterpreted as ineffective. Being attentive to symptom characteristics permits the clinician to measure effects and introduce thoughtful responses. The most important characteristics to consider are shown in Box 2.

Box 2: Characteristics of symptoms—

1. Distribution

2. Intensity

3. Onset: Time and Location

4. Duration

5. Ameliorating Factors

6. Aggravating Factors

7. Trends: upward or downward

The distribution of behaviors is a term for the frequency of symptoms over time. It may be self-evident, but it is worth underscoring that for most individuals, the frequency of symptoms changes within days, weeks, and months. Thus, having a good awareness of the course of a symptom is important for monitoring medication effects. The early, short-term effects of a medication may not be the most reliable ones for predicting the overall effect that medication delivers. Frequency also usually is related to settings and circumstances. Aggression or perseverative behaviors often increase or emerge under certain circumstances, such as when there are many individuals talking or when there are crowds. Consequently, for behaviors that are episodic it is useful to rate the behavior at the time when it is most frequent or likely to surface, rather than a general rating throughout the day, week, or month.

Furthermore, when symptoms are concentrated to specific times or places, one should first consider behavioral or educational interventions carefully. It may be that greater direction for certain activities, a break from interaction, or modifying the expectations for the patient in an activity will go a long way toward reducing maladaptive behaviors. Similarly, the risk for side effects should match the frequency of a behavior. If a symptom arises rarely, then it does not make sense to use an agent that carries a high risk for serious side effects or is highly likely to produce side effects that have the potential to make the patient uncomfortable.

Intensity is a measure of the energy or concentration the patient uses when engaging in the behavior. It also can be helpful to base this rating on the ease with which a patient may be redirected to another, different line of behavior. The onset of symptoms is often related to a time and a location. The ability to know when and where symptoms surface, or under what circumstances they surface, is helpful in rating progress. In addition, if a symptom only arises in one setting then this might lead one to consider intensive behavioral interventions first. More generalized behaviors might lend themselves more to pharmacologic treatments, because it can be difficult to maintain uniform responses across many different settings for behavioral interventions. Duration is self-explanatory. Aggravating and ameliorating factors can indicate what triggers a behavior or what sustains it.

The reason to consider the trend of a behavior, that is, whether it is increasing or decreasing, is that an intervention that is introduced as a behavior is winding down may be wrongly considered as having helped. Often, individuals or their families seek treatment when a behavior is peaking in severity. For episodic conditions, by the time a clinician intervenes, the behavior may be cycling down by itself. It is therefore often helpful to wait before intervening, to learn about the pattern and characteristics of a behavior. Of course, this cannot be considered when the risks to safety or jeopardy to other aspects of the patient's wellbeing prevent the clinician from taking this time. If there is some doubt about whether symptoms may respond to behavioral treatment, or if one is unsure whether things have improved or remained the same, a clinician is advised to wait. Increasing doses or starting new medications should only go forward if one is sure that symptoms are worse or improved to a small degree.

A 12-year-old boy with ASPERGERS was brought to treatment for picking and scratching behaviors that had become a part of his nighttime routine before going to bed. Each night he would scratch or dig at his legs. After extensive efforts to learn about the pattern of his behaviors, it seemed that these behaviors were influenced by the course of interactions at school during the day. Although the patient himself did not make the connection between being teased or having disagreements with classmates and his self-picking, it was possible to use medication and relaxation techniques to reduce the intensity and duration of these behaviors. In addition, the patient's moms/dads were able to talk with him in the early evening about specific events from throughout the day that might create distress before he went to bed. Over time the behaviors were significantly reduced, although they did not disappear altogether.

Deciding on modality priorities—

The integration of behavioral and pharmacologic treatment can place therapists in the predicament of deciding whether to pursue behavioral or pharmacologic treatment. There are patient and symptom characteristics that should enter the equation. Individuals who work hard with a behavioral support system are obviously ones who should be treated vigorously in this manner. Other individuals resist behavioral work or have circumstances that do not lend themselves to behavioral treatments. For example, it may be difficult to use behavioral treatments at home with frail caretakers who may be physically intimidated during attempts to ignore maladaptive behaviors.

As indicated earlier, there are some scenarios in which the clinician might request a more thorough application of behavioral treatment before engaging in pharmacotherapy. The features that indicate vigorous behavioral treatment are those that are more infrequent, highly setting- or circumstance-specific, and moderately (or less) intense. It is important to consider whether behavioral treatments have been conducted properly, were of sufficient duration, and were provided with sufficient intensity. A history of well conducted but unsuccessful behavioral treatments suggests that one should move to medication along with behavioral supports.

Six symptom clusters—

For simplicity, six clusters of symptoms are discussed. Throughout this discussion the emphasis has been on specific symptoms and this is an important feature to emphasize. If a patient repetitively seeks elastic objects to stretch and chew, then that symptom is the one to be targeted; for this discussion it would fall into repetitive behaviors and inflexibility. The monitoring of that symptom, however, means that the clinician and others are all tracking perseverative behavior with elastic—not every repetitive behavior that the patient may display. The clusters that follow are only a convenient way of talking about pharmacologic treatments for the common kinds of behaviors that impede the lives of individuals who have ASPERGERS. These clusters are hardly comprehensive and there certainly could be more. These were chosen because they are common reasons to seek pharmacotherapy for people with ASPERGERS.

Aggression:

Aggression is seldom an isolated problem and is particularly complex in people with ASPERGERS [23]. It is important to understand that aggressive behavior is not always associated with just one condition and can have highly varied sources. An array of theoretic models has been proposed to understand aggressive behavior in people with ASPERGERS [24]. There are promising biologic models that suggest the behavior arises from alterations in dopaminergic reward mechanisms [25], and cognitive models, suggesting that such acts are an outcome of conditioned learning [26], [27]. Tantrums and physical aggression are often responses to a variety of circumstances and occur in the context of diverse emotions [23]. It has become fashionable to consider aggression as prima facie evidence of bipolar disorder, particularly when ASPERGERS people are distractible, restless, and have chronically decreased need for sleep. It is increasingly important to consider, however, whether features of bipolar illness appear together and depart from chronic baseline functioning.

It is also relevant if they are associated with pharmacologic (eg, serotonin reuptake inhibitor) side effects. It is useful to know the circumstances preceding and following aggressive outbursts before selecting a pharmacologic agent. For example, when aggression is a response to anxiety or frustration, the most helpful interventions target those symptoms and the circumstances that produce them rather than exclusively focusing on aggressive behavior. Unfortunately, the request for treatment typically follows a crisis and the press for a rapid, effective end to the behaviors may not permit the gathering of much data or discussion. Nevertheless, it is not appropriate to “always” begin with one agent or another. Moving to a more “surefire” agent too quickly may mean that the patient takes on cardiovascular, endocrinologic, and cognitive risks that might be otherwise avoided. There are reports in support of using serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SRIs) [28], [29], [30], [31], [32], [33], [34] (Table 1), alpha-adrenergic agonists [35] (Table 2), beta-blocking agents [36], [37] (Table 3), “mood stabilizers,” (or anticonvulsants) [38] (Table 3), and neuroleptics [39], [40], [41], [42], [43], [44], [45] (Table 4) for aggressive behavior. When a clinician has the luxury of time, the support of family, and collaboration with staff where the individual is working or attending school (or living), then an agent that is safer, but perhaps takes a longer time to work or is a little less likely to help, can be tried. It does seem that those agents with a greater likelihood of success pose greater risks [22], [46]. The most evidence supports use of dopamine blocking agents (neuroleptics) for aggression [22] (Table 4), but the side effects and long-term risks from these agents are greater than others listed earlier.

Anxiety:

People with ASPERGERS are particularly vulnerable to anxiety [47], [48]. This vulnerability may be an intrinsic feature of ASPERGERS [49] through specific neurotransmitter system defects [50], a breakdown in circuitry related to extinguishing fear responses [51], or a secondary consequence of their inability to make social judgments [15], [16], [17] throughout development. The social limitations of ASPERGERS make it difficult for people with the disorder to develop coping strategies for soothing themselves and containing difficult emotions. Limitations in their ability to grasp social cues and their highly rigid style act in concert to create repeated social errors. They are frequently victimized and teased by their peers and cannot mount effective socially adaptive responses. Limitations in generalizing from one situation to another also may contribute to repeating the same social gaffs. Furthermore, the lack of empathy severely limits skills for autonomous social problem solving. For higher functioning people, there is sufficient grasp of situations to recognize that others “get it” when they do not. For others there is only the discomfort that comes from somatic responses that are disconnected from events and experience.

Several agents have been tried for treatment of anxiety. There is no reason to suspect that people with ASPERGERS are less likely to respond to the medications used for anxiety in people without ASPERGERS. Thus, SRIs [28], [29], [30], [31], [32], [33], [34], [52] (Table 1), buspirone [53] (Table 3), and alpha-adrenergic agonist medications such as clonidine or guanfacine all have been tried [35] (Table 2). The best evidence to date supports use of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (Table 1). It is also true that people with ASPERGERS may be more vulnerable to side effects and to exhibit unusual side effects. Disinhibition is particularly prominent and can be seen with any of the serotonin reuptake inhibitors; in some circles this is regarded as evidence of bipolar “switching,” although there are no studies to suggest that among people with ASPERGERS this reaction is a portent of later nonmedication-related mania. Similarly, excessive doses may produce an amotivational syndrome [54].

Depression:

Depression seems to be common among ASPERGERS people in adolescence and adulthood [55]. Many of the same deficits that produce anxiety may conspire to generate depression. The relationship between serotonin functioning and depression has been explored in detail [56], [57], [58], [59]. There is also good evidence that serotonin functions may be impaired in people with ASPERGERS [60] and which suggest that depression and ASPERGERS would be more likely. Another possibility is that the basic circuitry related to frontal lobe functions in depression may be affected in people with ASPERGERS [61]. In addition, deficits in social relationships and responses that permit one to compensate for disappointment and frustration may fuel a vulnerability to depression [15], [16], [17], [55]. There is some genetic evidence suggesting that depression and social anxiety are more common among first-degree relatives of autistic people [62], even when accounting for the subsequent effects of stress.

The medications that are useful for depression in typical kids and adolescents should be considered for people with ASPERGERS who display symptoms of depression. It exceeds the scope of this discussion to detail the diverse forms depression may take in people with ASPERGERS or the complexities of how one might make the diagnosis of depression in people with comorbid ASPERGERS. It should be pointed out, however, that because some features of depression and ASPERGERS overlap, it is important to track that the changes in mood are a departure from baseline functioning. Thus, the presence of social withdrawal in a person with ASPERGERS should not be considered a symptom of depression unless there is an acute decline from that person's baseline level of functioning.

A second important point is that the core symptoms of depression should arise together. Thus, the simultaneous appearance of symptoms such as sleep and appetite changes, irritability, sadness, loss of pleasure in activities, decreased energy, further withdrawal from interactions, and self-deprecating statements would point to depression. An additional important point is that individuals who display affective and vocal monotony are at higher risk for having their remarks minimized. Higher functioning people can make suicidal statements in a manner that suggests an off-hand remark, without emotional impact. When comments are made this way, therapists and others may underestimate them. In people with ASPERGERS, the content of such comments may be more crucial than the emotional emphasis with which they are delivered.

Agents that are useful for treatment of depression in people with ASPERGERS are serotonin reuptake inhibitors (Table 1). There also may be indications for considering tricyclic agents with appropriate monitoring of ECG, pulse, and blood pressure (Table 5). There are no agents that have been shown to be particularly more beneficial for depressive symptoms in people with ASPERGERS. Thus, the decision as to which agents to use is determined by side effect profiles, previous experience, and, perhaps, responses to these medications in other family members.

Hyperactivity and inattention:

Hyperactivity and inattention are common in ASPERGERS people, particularly in early childhood [5], [63], [64]. Differential diagnostic considerations are paramount, particularly in the context of ASPERGERS [63]. Hyperactivity and inattention is seen in a variety of other disorders, such as developmental receptive language disorders, anxiety, and depression. Thus, the appearance of inattention or hyperactivity does not point exclusively to attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). The compatibility of the patient and his or her school curriculum is particularly important when evaluating symptoms of hyperactivity and inattention. There is a risk that a school program that is poorly matched to the individual's needs, by overestimating or underestimating a youngster's abilities, may be frustrating, boring, or unrewarding. If the verbal or social demands exceed what he or she can manage, they may produce anxiety or other problems that mimic inattention or induce hyperactivity.

Virtually every variety of medication has been tried to reduce hyperactive behavior and increase attention. The best evidence at this point supports dopamine blocking agents [39], [40], [41], [42], [43], [44], [45], [46] (Table 4), stimulants [65] (Table 6), alpha-adrenergic agonists [35] (Table 2), and naltrexone [66], [67], [68] (Table 3).

Inflexibility and behavioral rigidity:

Symptoms of inflexibility or behavioral rigidity are often difficult to quantify and yet often introduce some of the most disruptive chronic behaviors exhibited by individuals with ASPERGERS. These can be manifest by difficulties tolerating changes in routine, minor differences in the environment (such as changes in location for certain activities), or changes to plans that have been previously laid out. For some people this inflexibility can lead to aggression, or to extremes of frustration and anxiety that thwart activities. Families and school staff may find themselves “walking on eggshells” in an effort to circumvent any extreme reaction from brittle individuals. In addition, the individuals themselves may articulate their anxiety over fears that things will not go according to plan or that they will be forced to make changes that they cannot handle. Sometimes these behaviors are identified as “obsessive-compulsive” because of the patient's need for ritualized order or nonfunctional routine. This is a phenomenologic error, as OCD has features that can be differentiated from PDD spectrum disorders [69].

Nevertheless, the idea that OCD and these “needs for sameness” might share some biologic features is attractive. It is not known now whether these symptoms are produced by disturbances in the same cortico-striatal-thalamo-cortical circuitry that is believed to produce OCD [70]. The model of obsessive-compulsive disorder, however, has suggested that use of SRI agents might be useful in ameliorating this problem [28], [33]. Whether the effect of SRI agents on this symptom cluster is mediated by a general reduction in anxiety [48] or is specific for “needs for sameness” is not known. An alternative hypothesis suggests that the impairment might be located in circuitry subserving reward systems that rely on norepinephrine and dopamine [24], [71]. If so, this would point to study of other agents and systems in future investigations.

To add further support to this hypothesis, reports from studies of alpha-adrenergic agents like clonidine [35] and guanfacine also suggest a decrease in these rigid behaviors. These short-term trials do not establish whether the benefits were sustained over a longer time, however. Agents that have been most useful are SRIs (Table 1), but there may be a role for dopamine blocking agents for refractory symptoms [43], [44], [45] (Table 4).

Stereotypies and perseveration:

Stereotyped movements and repetitive behaviors are a common feature of ASPERGERS [64]. As with behavioral rigidity and inflexibility, similar models for stereotypy and obsessive-compulsive disorder have been proposed [72]. Stereotypy also may be closely related to tic disorders and Parkinson disease, however, in which repetitive behaviors emerge from impairment in dopaminergic [73] and glutamaturgic systems [74]. There are also interesting analogs to L-dopa toxicity in Parkinson disease [75].

The treatments for stereotyped movements and perseveration closely parallel those for behavioral inflexibility and the two clusters are often grouped together in studies of treatment efficacy. Thus, serotonin reuptake inhibitors (Table 1) and alpha-adrenergic agonists may be helpful (Table 2). In addition, the hypothesis that dopamine might play a role suggests that dopaminergic blocking agents should be added to the possibilities (Table 4). Reports from studies of olanzapine [41], risperidone [42], [43], [44], and ziprasidone [45] suggest this is warranted.

Complementary and alternative medicine:

The pharmacologic treatment of ASPERGERS people is in a very early stage. As a result of more organized and systematic investigation, the field is making advances in the discovery of more effective treatments [76]. A large gap remains, however, between the need for effective treatments and the effectiveness of the known agents. When there is such a disparity, opportunities for scientifically unfounded, anecdotal experience or highly biased efforts to capture the attention of moms/dads, physicians, and educators are great. In the case of ASPERGERS, one can cite many examples; the recent experience with secretin [77], [78], [79], [80] is one. This does not mean that everything about secretin in autism is now understood, only that is unreasonable to recommend secretin for ASPERGERS [81]. A similar point might be made for the variety of dietary and nutritional therapies—in the absence of carefully designed, scientifically valid, controlled studies, it is hard to justify recommending specific treatments.

Nevertheless, therapists still have to answer families who ask about trying novel treatments. Among investigators and concerned practitioners, broad guidelines have been suggested (Klin, personal communication). The first is that treatments should be safe. A variety of diets and mineral supplements are apparently safe, but some can be toxic; the frequency of toxic reactions should be spelled out and signs of toxicity should be thoroughly comprehended. More extraordinary interventions such as neurosurgery obviously are not reversible. The second guideline is that treatments should be affordable. At the height of the secretin rush, some practitioners were charging many hundreds of dollars for medication and supplies that totaled less than fifty dollars.

For most families, these treatments are not covered by insurance and money that goes to novel treatment is not available for other services. The third guideline is that novel treatments should not interfere with a youngster's participation in daily programs or treatments that are known to be helpful. Focusing on communication and social enhancement through education should be the first priority of every multimodal treatment plan. Attending school, having a detailed evaluation, and receiving behavioral supports that promote socialization and communication should not be curtailed by the pursuit of novel somatic, dietary, and complementary medical treatments.

Summary—

The treatment of complex, polymorphous disorders like ASPERGERS always brings a particular challenge to pharmacotherapy. Additionally, the specific characteristics presented by ASPERGERS introduce unique complications to patient care and place unusual demands on a clinician's skill and experience. To provide safe and effective treatment, the clinician must understand the core features of the disorder and the manifestations of the condition in his or her patient. Furthermore, a thorough understanding of the family, school, and community resources and limitations is necessary.

Once an assessment has been made, focusing on target symptoms provides a crucial framework for care. Knowing manifestations of symptoms and characterizing their distribution and behavior in that patient is most important. For individuals with ASPERGERS it is particularly essential to coordinate behavioral and pharmacologic objectives. The target symptoms should be tracked carefully and placed into a priority system that is based on the risks and disability they create for the patient. The skill of pharmacotherapy also means setting out realistic expectations, keeping track of the larger systems of care at school and home, and collaboration with moms/dads and care providers.

There is an expanding range and pace of biologic and intervention research into ASPERGERS. The genetic work has produced exciting leads that are likely to be helpful to future generations [82], [83], [84], but the task of therapists is to tend to today's individuals. As we discover more about the complex neural circuitry subserving repetitive behaviors, reward systems, and social cognition, there are good reasons to believe our treatments will become more sophisticated and specific. Psychopharmacology is also moving to design medications that target more specific populations of receptor and brain functions. This is likely to produce medicines that have fewer side effects, are more effective, and are more symptom-specific.

Pharmacotherapy is not the ultimate treatment for ASPERGERS but it has a definite place. Medication can be a critical element in a comprehensive treatment plan. There is a wider range of medications with more specific biologic effects than ever before. For individuals with ASPERGERS these newer agents are safer and less disruptive. When paired with therapists who are becoming more skilled at recognizing and managing symptoms, individuals have a greater opportunity to reach their potential and lead pleasurable lives.

My Aspergers Child: Preventing Meltdowns in Aspergers Children


References—


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Aspergers child's fascination with women's clothing...

Question

My son was dx with autism at 4yrs. and is now dx with Asperger Syndrome. Lots of therapy and support has helped the motor, speech, and hand flapping/toe walking. He has learned to do the repetitive behaviors mostly at home, since children tease so terribly. I am concerned with his fascination with women's clothing. He has always been drawn to the way in which fabrics move, such as skirts and capes. (He wore capes and a sparkly vest for years.) Lately, he's been wearing some of my blouses. I don't want to say anything that may make him feel badly about himself. However, I don't know what to do, since his classmates are so cruel. Do you have any suggestions?

Answer

Talk to him about it. If he is nonchalant or professes to enjoy the feeling of the fabric and such, then it is a non-issue. He simply likes how the under-things feel, and it is unlikely to be associated with a sexual obsession if he discusses it openly in this manner.

Whatever you do, don't put distance between yourself and him or make him feel like he has done something wrong. Wanting to wear nice feeling fabrics, or wanting to dress entirely, is not something that any amount of punishment, the silent treatment, or bible passages will cure. He will just feel guilty and despondent in private and learn not to go to you when he encounters other more important issues.

In perspective, it is harmless. He just needs to keep in mind that not everyone is as open minded as you, and thus he should avoid making choices in this area that lead to difficult situations, such as wearing girls' clothes outside or to school could get him beat up.


Outcome Research in Aspergers

Outcome studies in Asperger Syndrome (AS), although limited in number, can be far-reaching in impact. Results yielded from this kind of investigation hold value for all of those involved with the youngster with ASPERGERS, whether in the role of mother/father, clinician, or researcher. When the core features have been recognized and an appropriate diagnosis of ASPERGERS has been made by the clinician, moms and dads may receive this information with a mixture of relief (this classification closely captures many aspects of their experience of their youngster) and distress (clearly this is a fairly severe disorder). More than this however, they are burdened with a singular question, often stated: “We recognize that each youngster is different, but what can we expect for our son's future?”

Adding to the clinician's own experience, outcome studies may provide useful findings with regard to positive prognosticators and long-term adaptation to everyday life. This information may assist the family in forming realistic expectations and setting meaningful goals, and also in planning for the future. From a broader research perspective, the contribution is less immediate but of equal importance. There is continued debate whether ASPERGERS and high functioning autism (HFA) represent distinct disorders, which increases the need to better understand the developmental trajectory and outcome of both disorders. Differences in outcome may provide one of the soundest justifications for a differentiation between ASPERGERS and autism.

There are few studies to examine outcome in ASPERGERS specifically. This may not be surprising in light of the relative newness of this diagnostic entity and the ongoing uncertainty of its nosologic status. The discussion is broadened when consideration is given to the research on HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM. In this article, findings from the outcome literature in autism, ASPERGERS, and related disorders are presented. The discussion of outcome principally focuses on life adaptation, but also considers outcome in ASPERGERS in relationship to other diagnostic groups and across time. The current research in this area is neither substantial nor systematic. Thus, in this examination of the literature, the goal is to highlight salient findings, but also to put forward questions that might direct meaningful research in this area for the future, and to consider implications for treatment.

Methodologic issues—

It is instructive first to consider the methodologic issues that affect any interpretation of the results from this literature. The number of studies is limited and sample sizes are often small; in addition, the subject population is heterogeneous and outcome measures are variable. There are differences in the way subjects are selected (e.g., clinic-referred samples who were identified retrospectively versus those who presented at enrollment and clinic- versus population-based samples). Further, differences may exist across studies with regard to accessible supports (e.g., relative to socioeconomic status or geographic location).

An especially important caveat when comparing studies involving high functioning people concerns the diagnostic criteria used, particularly with regard to ASPERGERS. Researchers use varied criteria for ASPERGERS, and before ICD-10 and DSM-IV, high functioning samples likely included HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM and ASPERGERS subjects. Current samples of adults with ASPERGERS may not be representative of the larger group, and when identified retrospectively, may be influenced by earlier diagnostic uncertainty. That is, it can be expected that some adults in the current psychiatric population are not appropriately identified with ASPERGERS, particularly if diagnosed as kids. Tantam reports that of the adolescents and adults referred to him for evaluation of ASPERGERS, 9% held a previous diagnosis of schizophrenia and 14% had been diagnosed with obsessive-compulsive disorder.

Representing a more general problem in outcome research is the lack of measures appropriate for use in a longitudinal study. Different measures often need to be used at different points in time; that is, initial measures may not be usable at follow-up because they do not extend to an older age group. There are few measures that cross the life span, and this is particularly relevant when very young kids are initially assessed. Although the same behavior may be of interest over time, it is likely to increase in complexity and require a measure that can accommodate a broader range of related skills. Age at initial assessment, developmental level, and measure selected have been associated with the stability and predictability of intelligence scores in young autistic people. Finally, outcome studies are ideally designed to be prospective, longitudinal, and population-based. In the current literature, most studies are longitudinal in nature and retrospective in design; few are population-based.

The methodologic differences between the studies in the autism and ASPERGERS outcome literature are wide-ranging and affect the comparability and the measure of generalization of the findings. However, the data are important to consider, given their clinical usefulness, viewing these as beginning findings, and research consequence, revealing needed directions for future investigations.

Outcome in autism—

Reports on the long-term outcome of autism emerged as early as the 1950s and 1960s, and were marked by many of the methodologic vulnerabilities described earlier [6]. Two particular findings documented in early studies [7], [8], [9], [10], [11], however, have proved to be fundamental and enduring: (1) Most people with autism remain autistic as adolescents or adults; diagnosis is generally stable, whereas outcome is more varied. A poor or very poor outcome is observed in three quarters of autistic people, but a fair to good outcome (e.g., acceptable functioning in social, work, or school arenas) is noted in at least one quarter [12], [13], and (2) IQ and language development, specifically the presence of meaningful speech before 6 years of age, are the strongest predictors of outcome in autism [7], [13], [14], [15].

Later studies have increasingly focused on people with autism who are high-functioning [16], [17], [18], [19], [20]; they also yield accounts of successful and limited outcomes. Identifying the factors that influence long-term functioning in HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM is of central importance as it is especially challenging to reliably predict outcome in those people with higher IQs [5]. Although it can be reasonably expected that a person with autism who is severely mentally retarded will not be capable of functioning independently, the range of outcomes is wider for the one quarter of people with autism who have normal or near normal intelligence.

In the next section, results from four follow-up studies are summarized with reference to outcome variables, such as occupational status, level of independence, and social functioning. Each of the studies used clinic-based samples but varied on other dimensions. Rumsey et al [20] reported on the progress of 14 men with autism, 7 of whom had been diagnosed by Kanner and 9 of whom were high functioning (VIQ: 82–117 and PIQ: 81–126). The subjects ranged in age from 18–39 years. The study conducted by Szatmari et al [19] identified retrospectively and followed 45 kids functioning in the normal range of intelligence, who were seen before 5 years of age. Initial diagnoses included autism, childhood psychosis, or schizophrenia. Of this group, 16 were willing to participate and at follow-up had a mean age of 26 years and average IQ greater than 90.

Venter, Lord, and Schopler [18] examined predictors of outcome for high functioning kids with autism. The sample was large (n=58), with a higher than usual proportion of females (23/58). The kids were followed for an average of 8 years, with a mean age at follow-up of approximately 15 years (age range: 10–37 years) and mean FSIQ score close to 80. Most recently, Mawhood, Howlin, and Rutter [16], [17] conducted a comparative study of adult outcome in a group of young men with autism and a group with developmental receptive language disorders (n=19 for both groups). The people were first assessed at 7–8 years of age and matched on nonverbal IQ and expressive ability. At follow-up, the mean age of the group was 23–24 years, and the mean IQ scores for the autism group were approximately 73 for VIQ and 82 for PIQ.

School placement—

Most people with HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM in these studies completed high school, receiving some assistance, and a minority went on to higher levels of education. Of the nine HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM men in the Rumsey et al study, eight completed high school and two went on to complete one year or more of junior college. One half of the group followed by Szatmari et al received special education and the remaining half attended college or university, with 6 of 16 people obtaining a degree or equivalent qualification. In Mawhood and Howlin's sample, five kids had at some time participated in a home-based program, one half of the group were placed in special classrooms for kids with autism, two were in mainstream classrooms through to secondary school, and the remaining seven kids were placed in settings for kids with severe learning disabilities. Of note, placement did not seem to be directly related to IQ; the most cognitively able kids were represented in all three settings.

The sample described in the Venter et al study was young and most kids were still enrolled in school. For adult subjects who were not in school at follow-up, placement was identified in terms of their last year of fulltime schooling. Approximately one half of this HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM sample (28/58) were placed in special education classrooms, 17 were enrolled in technical or vocational schools or were placed in regular classrooms with a fulltime teaching assistant, and the remaining 13 were in a mainstream classroom and receiving little or no help. The kids who were fully mainstreamed were more likely to have higher verbal IQ and other language scores than the kids in self-contained special education classrooms. School placement was also influenced by geography; this sample of kids came from two distinct geographic locations (North Carolina and Alberta). Although most self-contained classrooms were from North Carolina, the regular classrooms with fulltime aides came from Alberta. In light of the latter finding and differences in the predictive value of IQ in the two studies, it is noted that Mawhood and Howlin's sample represents kids from the United Kingdom.

Employment—

The rates of gainful employment are lower than might be predicted for people functioning within the normal range of intelligence. Typically, half of the sample had been employed at some time, with the exception of the sample described by Mawhood, Howlin, and Rutter [16], [17]. Most (14/19) of these subjects had never been engaged in paid employment; one person had a paid job as a laboratory technician, two worked in a voluntary capacity or on a job program, and two people were enrolled in fulltime education.

Four of the nine men in Rumsey’s study were competitively employed (janitor, key punch operator, library assistant, and cab driver); these jobs were described to be routine and involve limited decision making or social interaction (with the exception of the cab driver). One person was unemployed and the remaining men were participating in training programs. Inappropriate behaviors were described to influence job tenure, and moms and dads and agencies were seen to play a major role in job attainment.

Of the 16 people followed by Szatmari et al [19], only two were unemployed, six were in regular fulltime employment, and one worked in a family business; four were in sheltered workshop schemes and three were still in school. The jobs included librarian, physics tutor, salesmen, factory worker, and library technician. There seemed to be a positive relationship between IQ and gainful employment.

A similar distribution of employment outcome was observed in the study conducted by Venter et al. Six people were competitively employed and two more had been employed for at least 6 months; 13 were in sheltered or supervised employment settings or in special school programs, and three people were unemployed and not in school. Most HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM adults were in low-level jobs in service industries, with the exception of the one university graduate who had been employed in his chosen profession but was currently working as a bartender. All of the subjects who were in paid jobs were male; in addition, measures of verbal skills and achievement, particularly verbal IQ and reading comprehension above the median, distinguished this group, but not nonverbal IQ, severity of social deviance as measured by the ADI, or Vineland scores. Less than half of the successfully employed group obtained a Vineland adaptive behavior composite score that was above the median.

Living arrangements—

Few people were described to be living independently in these studies. Among the high functioning subjects identified by Rumsey et al, six of the nine men resided at home and three men were living in an apartment setting, with two receiving some minimal supervision. Two of the 22 adults in Venter's study lived independently, and four resided in apartments with minimal supervision. Most subjects in the study conducted by Mawhood and Howlin showed low levels of independent functioning and self care skills, which was reflected in their living situation. Six people lived with their moms and dads, nine were placed in a residential facility, and only three were living independently or semi-independently. In contrast, the outcome was more positive in the Szatmari et al study. Ten of 16 people were living with their moms and dads, but 3 were described to be functioning on their own. One subject lived in a group home and the remaining five lived independently.

Relationships—

With the exception of one case [19], none of the autistic people in any of these studies was married. The men described by Rumsey et al continued to show significant social impairments, including aloof and odd or inappropriate behaviors, and only one man reported a current friendship. Several people interacted socially in the context of school clubs, religious groups, or community events, but these relationships were maintained only within the structures of these organizations. Similarly, one third of the subjects in Mawhood and Howlin's study were noted to have acquaintances in arranged social groups who were not met otherwise, on the subject's own initiative. Three people were described to have one or more friends their own age, and nine had no particular friends with whom activities or interests were shared. Only one subject had a serious relationship with a member of the opposite sex, whereas approximately one quarter of the people in the Szatmari study were reported to have dated or had long-term relationships.

Predictors of outcome—

One study in particular was designed to examine predictors of outcome in HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM [18]. Early and current predictor variables included standard verbal and nonverbal measures and ADI scores; academic achievement and social adaptive behavior were selected as outcome variables. Overall, measures of language ability were the most powerful predictors of achievement and adaptive functioning. In particular, the presence of communicative speech before 5 years of age, speech, and current verbal IQ were the most consistent variables in predicting outcome. Although 80% of the variance for the aggregate achievement scores was accounted for by current predictors, only half of the variance of the Vineland adaptive behavior scores was predicted. Story comprehension was one of the strongest current predictors of adaptive functioning. Nonverbal measures were not useful current predictors, although early nonverbal IQ scores showed a consistent and unique relationship with the outcome measures.

Howlin et al [17] also found that early language skills were significantly related to social competence; further, a strong positive association between current verbal IQ and friendship and social ratings was identified in the adult autism group. This pattern of associations was not observed in the language group, however, despite many qualitative similarities in the social and adaptive outcomes of the two groups in this study.

Summary—

The outcome for people with HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM is varied but generally much lower than would be expected on the basis of intellectual functioning. Most even cognitively able adult persons with autism live at home or in a supervised facility and occupy lower level jobs or are unable to gain competitive employment. They may engage socially in a structured context but do not establish person friendships and do not marry. This discrepancy between cognitive ability and social adaptive functioning is at the heart of autism and is forcefully reflected in quantitative discrepancies in IQ and the Vineland composite. Vineland scores for the HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM subjects in the current studies were typically low, and at least one full standard deviation, and often more than two, below IQ levels. The sample described by Szatmari was unique in this regard; several subjects performed above expectations on the Vineland. This sample also showed a level of adaptation with regard to employment, relationships, and independent living, however, that was elevated relative to the other studies.

Factors influencing these results include differences in subject ascertainment, including higher socioeconomic status (SES) and greater access to resources. In each study, at least 15%–25% of the sample showed a fair or even good outcome. When comparisons are made with earlier studies (e.g., pre- versus post-1980s), there is also evidence of improvement in the prospects for people with autism [2]. Higher achievement scores in recent samples [18] versus those from 2 decades before [7] may signify progress from the availability of continuous structured educational programs [18]. Finally, although the diagnosis of autism typically remains stable, people can be expected to show some age-related gains in cognitive, language, and social functioning.

Outcome in Aspergers—

Asperger depicted a positive outcome in his initial accounts of his patients, particularly for those who were able to use their special talents or interests to gain employment and integrate socially [21]. In the years to follow, Asperger saw as many as 200 patients with the syndrome and his views were more tempered. The clinical picture was described to be stable, although improvements in functioning occurred through maturational processes. Asperger believed that people with this syndrome were highly intelligent and gave accounts of those who were successful in their achievements in later life, holding high-ranking positions or professions (e.g., professor of astronomy, chemist, and mathematician). A more positive outcome for his group was viewed to be an important distinction between this disorder and Kanner's autism. Anecdotal reports and research offer some support for these views.

In Wing's report [22], 34 cases were examined, and of these, 19 showed a clinical presentation similar to Aspergers account and 15 showed a consistent current presentation but did not have all of the characteristics of onset pattern and early history. Wing noted that the degree of adjustment in this group seemed to be related to skill set and temperament, particularly a special ability that is relevant to paid employment, good self care skills, and a placid nature. Approximately one half of Wing's sample was over 16 years of age; among these older people, 9 had left school or further education, of whom 3 were employed, 3 had been previously employed but had lost their jobs, and 3 had not obtained work. Most people (13/18) in this older group presented with a psychiatric illness, including affective disorders and psychotic or bizarre behavior that was not readily classified. Two had attempted suicide and an additional person showed suicidal ideation. Comorbid conditions were high in this group and should be viewed in the context of subject ascertainment, as most of these cases were clinic referred. In addition, adolescence is identified as an especially difficult time for persons with Aspergers, marked by increasing self-awareness and social isolation. Anxiety and depression seem to be particularly strong in these years and into early adulthood.

In the next section, consideration is given to three recent studies specifically examining outcome in ASPERGERS. The first of these studies followed the progress of a clinic-referred sample of 46 kids with autism and 20 kids with ASPERGERS 2 years after initial assessment and diagnosis [23]. The results provide information about the course and continuity of symptoms in ASPERGERS and HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM, and the authors comment on the developmental trajectory of these two disorders. The other two reports describe the social and adaptive functioning of 20 male adolescents with ASPERGERS and compare the outcome in this group with the outcome of adolescents and young adults with HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM and conduct disorder (CD) [24], [25].

Follow-up study—

In the study conducted by Szatmari et al [23], kids with autism and Aspergers were first assessed and identified at 4–6 years of age and were included if they had either a Leiter IQ greater than 68 or Standard-Binet IQ greater than 70. The criteria used for a diagnosis of ASPERGERS were consistent with but not identical to those of DSM-IV and ICD-10: diagnosis of ASPERGERS was given precedence over a diagnosis of autism, and five of the kids did not meet ADI cutoff for autism in the domain of impairments in social reciprocity. The primary outcome variables were social competence, as measured by the Vineland Socialization domain, and number of autistic features, obtained from the Autism Behavior Checklist (ABC). A secondary set of variables consisted of standardized measures of language, visual spatial, and motor skills.

The results of this study support the notion that kids with ASPERGERS, although impaired, are less severely affected than even higher functioning people with autism in core domains. At follow-up, the kids with ASPERGERS obtained a mean score on the Vineland Socialization scale that was almost one standard deviation higher than the score obtained by the kids with autism. For both groups, however, performance was well below the national mean (close to two standard deviations for the ASPERGERS group). On the Autism Behavior Checklist, kids with ASPERGERS showed fewer total autistic symptoms and also outperformed kids with autism on the Communication scale of the Vineland and formal language measures. No differences were obtained on the measures of visual motor and visual spatial skills.

The differences between the two groups in this study were meaningful and stable. Differences in adaptive and behavioral functioning at follow-up were a reflection of initial variation at baseline and outcome scores were predicted by diagnosis, even when controlling for differences in performance on IQ and language measures. The two groups seemed to exhibit a parallel developmental trajectory on these measures.

Follow-up scores on the language measures, however, were better predicted by initial verbal abilities than by clinical distinction. As part of an exploratory analysis, kids with autism were divided into two language groups, fluent and non-fluent, according to whether they had attained the same level of measured language fluency at follow-up as shown by kids with ASPERGERS at the beginning of the study. On comparison, the outcome of the fluent autistic group was indistinct from the initial ASPERGERS group on ABC and Vineland Socialization scale scores. These preliminary results were interpreted to suggest that both groups follow similar developmental pathways and that position along this pathway is determined by language fluency. This proposal will need to be tested further, as systematic research is needed to obtain more data on the complex set of relationships between language, behavioral, and social functioning in ASPERGERS and autism.

Comparative outcome—

The relative outcome of a group of adolescents with ASPERGERS (n=20) and CD (n=20) were compared in a study conducted by Green et al [25]. Evaluations were made using standardized interviewer rated assessments of functioning (Social and Emotional functioning interview), based on mother/father and self report. The ASPERGERS group was most strongly differentiated from the CD adolescents in two domains, their capacity for independent functioning and capacity for forming relationships. Only 50% of the ASPERGERS group was independent in basic self care skills (versus all but one person in the CD group) and only one ASPERGERS subject was able to fully organize his daily routine. Independence skills were not correlated with IQ, but did show an association with age in the ASPERGERS group; a positive aspect of their outcome was that skills continued to be gained through adolescence.

Although most moms and dads of kids in both groups indicated the presence of significant social difficulties, only the ASPERGERS group showed a profound lack of ability to establish and maintain friendships. No subject in the ASPERGERS group was judged to have ever had a friendship of normal quality (e.g., sharing of activities and feelings) and none had a girlfriend. Complete lack of friendship was rarely identified in the CD group; most of these adolescents also had a girlfriend at one time and reported some experiences of intimacy (e.g., kissing or hugging). The groups did not differ in their conceptual understanding of friendship, loneliness, or marriage, nor did they differ in reported feelings of love or sexual feelings; however, the ASPERGERS group disproportionately showed deficits in their practical functioning and day-to-day behavior.

Special education services were used at some time by most people in both groups, but a larger percentage of the adolescents with ASPERGERS were in a mainstream classroom at present (50% compared with 15%). One of the people with ASPERGERS was in college. All of the young men either were living at home or in a residential facility. None among the ASPERGERS group had ever held a part-time or casual job, whereas 11 of the CD adolescents had done so. Both groups showed a strong need for mental health services and the level of psychiatric comorbidity was high in the ASPERGERS group, including generalized anxiety disorder, dysthymia, and OCD.

The ASPERGERS group also showed a higher number of inpatient stays (40% versus 15%), but a larger number of CD adolescents had a forensic history (65% versus 10%). Although there are some reports of an association with violence or criminal behavior in ASPERGERS [3], [26], [27], a systematic review of the literature did not find support for increased behaviors of this nature in ASPERGERS [28]. Taken along with the current results, there is more evidence to suggest that kids with ASPERGERS occupy the role of victim rather than victimizer [1], [29].

In a second report, these same adolescents with ASPERGERS and CD were compared to a group of adolescents and young adults with HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM (n=13) [24]. The HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM group was significantly older and lower in full scale IQ than the other two groups; there were no differences in age or IQ between the ASPERGERS and CD groups. Subjects with ASPERGERS met ICD-10 clinical criteria for the disorder; the main criterion differentiating the ASPERGERS and HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM groups was the presence of phrase speech by the age of 3 years. The groups were compared on social competence, communication, and behavioral functioning, based on past and current report using the ADI and current observation using the ADOS.

The three groups in this study showed significantly different patterns of early impairment in core domains. The HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM group obtained the highest total severity scores in each of the ADI domains, the CD group obtained the lowest total scores, and the ASPERGERS group was intermediate in social competence, communication, and behavioral functioning. The pattern of current impairments on the ADI was somewhat different; the CD group still obtained the lowest total scores in each domain, but the differences between the HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM and ASPERGERS group were insignificant. Observed impairments on the ADOS also revealed similar levels of severity for the HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM and ASPERGERS groups in each domain, and significantly greater abnormality relative to the CD adolescents. An analysis of individual items also yielded few differences.

On the ADI, adolescents with ASPERGERS were less likely to have reduced social talk and to display rocking behaviors, and more likely to show abnormalities in gross motor coordination compared with those with HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM. Observations based on the ADOS indicated that the ASPERGERS group had better conversation skills but more inattentive behaviors.

Despite similar levels of severity of impairment in later outcome between the HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM and ASPERGERS groups, early access to services was likely to be unequal. People with ASPERGERS were diagnosed later in development, always after 5 years of age, and at least 40% were identified at 10 years of age or later. Most of the ASPERGERS group were in mainstream classrooms and had had multiple professional contacts and a variety of diagnoses before ASPERGERS. These findings raise concerns about expectations for people with ASPERGERS and appropriate management and support for this group.

Based on their findings in a younger group of HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM and ASPERGERS subjects, Szatmari et al [19] suggested that differences in ASPERGERS and HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM may represent largely a matter of timing. Initially, the two groups follow separate but parallel developmental trajectories; later some kids with autism may join the trajectory of kids with ASPERGERS, once a certain level of fluent language is developed. The results of the current study offer some support for this idea. Despite significant differences in level of impairment during early development, current reports and observations of social, communicative, and behavioral impairment yielded similar levels of functioning in the HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM and ASPERGERS groups. Early differences in functioning were not accounted for by differences in IQ and pattern of outcome was different for the two groups.

Although the HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM group showed less reported abnormality on current presentation than during early development, and thus was more similar to the ASPERGERS group, levels of functioning did not change for the ASPERGERS group and problems experienced in adolescence may even have been viewed as more severe by moms and dads. Both groups were clearly distinguished from the CD adolescents, who showed little impairment on these measures and for whom early social abnormality was associated with over-activity in a way that was not true of either ASPERGERS or HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM.

It is notable that similar developments have been reported when people with autism and language disorders are followed over time [16], [17]. In these studies, the two groups of young men, one group with autism and one with receptive language disorders, were initially assessed at 7–8 years of age and matched on nonverbal IQ and expressive ability at that time. At follow-up they were 23–24 years of age, and were compared on language and social and behavioral outcome measures. The autism group was significantly more impaired in almost every area of language assessed initially, but made more significant progress over time. PPVT and Verbal IQ scores rose significantly in the autism group as a whole, whereas the language group showed lower standard scores on the PPVT at follow-up, and verbal IQ scores remained the same. More generally, the two groups moved closer in terms of language functioning as adults and although the language group was less severely impaired on social and behavioral measures, most showed problems in these domains also. The boundaries between these two groups seemed to blur and the diagnostic picture became more complex over time. The predictive value of early developmental variables for later outcome, however, was distinct in the two groups.

Although early language ability seemed to be related to outcome in autism, there was little association between early measures and outcome in the language disorder group. Along similar lines, good verbal skills are consistently linked to outcome in autism, but normal age of onset of speech and good verbal skills in ASPERGERS does not necessarily lead to better functioning in this group as adolescents [24].

Taken together, the results of these studies suggest that differences between related diagnostic groups (e.g., HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM, ASPERGERS, language disordered) on measures of social, communicative, and behavioral functioning are obscured over time, particularly when the groups are compared in adolescence and adulthood. Data obtained early in development show distinctly different levels of impairment, despite achieving similar outcomes in many areas. This finding underscores the importance of obtaining a complete developmental history in the older patient. In addition, prospective longitudinal research is needed to identify potential differences in the factors that drive expression in these disorders; distinct early vulnerabilities may become similarly expressed as behavioral demands become increasingly complex. In addition, formal assessment instruments may not capture relevant qualitative differences between people with ASPERGERS and HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM, pointing to a need for more robust experimental measures.

Factors relating to outcome—

Ongoing research is needed to further document the long-term outcome of people with ASPERGERS. As part of this endeavor, it will also be important to examine factors that may influence adjustment in the various facets of adult life in ASPERGERS, identifying those that are predictive of outcome. Basic variables such as sex, SES, geography, perinatal complications, and medical conditions need to be identified. In lower functioning people with autism, for example, seizure disorder is common and risk is highest during early childhood and again during puberty [30]. Changes in medical status can be expected to influence functioning more generally. Factors such as age, SES, and geographic location may influence the quantity and quality of services delivered.

Additionally, features of ASPERGERS that may lead to misdiagnosis and misinterpretation of behaviors are relevant to a discussion of outcome in this disorder. Moms and dads of kids with ASPERGERS experience greater frustration in obtaining a diagnosis for their youngster, even when problems are noted early on [24], [31]. On average, kids with ASPERGERS receive a diagnosis and receive help much later in their development than do kids with autism [25], [31], [32]. ASPERGERS is typically identified in the school age youngster; as such, it would be instructive to examine how late detection affects outcome in ASPERGERS and the factors that contribute to later diagnosis. ASPERGERS is generally considered to be a less severe disorder than autism, but later diagnosis also may reflect the absence of well-established signifiers or poorly understood features. Deficits in the early stages of development in the youngster with ASPERGERS may seem subtle; as demands increase for more complex behaviors in a wider range of arenas, deficits may become more obvious.

Similarly, behaviors that are tolerable in the young youngster (and may even be described as “cute”) often are conspicuous in the older youngster. Anecdotal reports offer accounts of kids with ASPERGERS who are placed in inappropriate classroom environments because their behavior is misjudged to be defiant, willful, or even psychotic, rather than to be a manifestation of a significant developmental disability. The reverse scenario is also encountered; the cognitive strengths and verbal abilities of kids with ASPERGERS may mask the degree of difficulty they are experiencing. It is particularly important in the case of ASPERGERS that potential or actual difficulties are not underestimated.

Conclusions drawn from outcome research are informative about ASPERGERS as a group; assessments of individual functioning are important to appreciate the unique strengths and weaknesses of the youngster that may affect outcome and treatment approach. There is limited research on the relationship between neuropsychologic variables and social, adaptive, and behavioral functioning. A particular neuropsychologic profile, nonverbal learning disability [33], may serve as a model for ASPERGERS [1], [34] and may differentiate outcome for those who do and do not show profile. Another line of investigation that holds promise is the relationship between specific cognitive variables and outcome variables. For example, cognitive performance was found to be a significant predictor of job tenure but not job attainment in a sample of persons with schizophrenia [35].

Psychiatric comorbidity is an especially salient variable in ASPERGERS and likely to account for differences in outcome. Further research is needed to examine the extent and manner in which comorbid conditions or symptomatology influence the course and outcome of ASPERGERS, and evaluate differences between them. From a clinical perspective, the presence of associated conditions may confuse diagnosis and delay identification of ASPERGERS.

On the flipside, a person with ASPERGERS may present with symptoms that are not easily recognized to be a part of the disorder versus a comorbid condition (e.g., disorganized thought process that reflects psychosis versus an atypical communication style characteristic of ASPERGERS). Recognizing and treating comorbid conditions is seen to improve outcome, including decreasing problematic behaviors in the youngster and disruption in the family [36]. Anxiety and affective disorders seem to be the most common comorbid conditions in autism and ASPERGERS [2], [25], and if present need to be addressed as part of the treatment plan. Minimizing secondary problems in ASPERGERS can positively effect change, increasing the youngster's ability to develop existing skills to the fullest.

It also remains to be seen whether and to what extent the presence of these comorbid conditions in ASPERGERS may be explained by neurobiologic or family genetic factors. More commonly, an association is posited between increasingly negative experiences in adolescence and feelings of depression. The clinical features of ASPERGERS are inherently double edged; on the one hand, kids with ASPERGERS are described to show a desire for friendships and to be fairly sociable; they are verbally adept and may be able to poignantly articulate some aspects of their experience [3], [37]. On the other hand, these kids are characterized by a lack of social and common sense, tending to be naı̈ve and vulnerable to exploitation. This discrepancy is not overlooked in practice. One of the key characteristics that influences clinician diagnosis of ASPERGERS over HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM is desire for social interaction, whereas both groups are considered to be equally poor at attaining and keeping friends [31].

In ASPERGERS, the desire for social interaction is frustrated by a fundamental inability to adequately navigate the social world, and may be met with repeated failures. Further, rates of peer isolation and victimization are high for the school aged youngster with ASPERGERS [3], [29]. It may not be surprising then that varying degrees of depression are found as age and social pressures increase. Outcome research also needs to account for the experiences of the person with ASPERGERS and the role of positive social contact and peer groups in improving adjustment [3].

The person with ASPERGERS faces unique challenges, but it is also important to consider how the family copes with their youngster's condition. Although it is now clear that family dynamics or personal features do not cause autism, it can be expected that a youngster with autism or ASPERGERS will affect family functioning. The coping and outcome of the youngster may be related to the coping resources of the family, or may be affected by other family stressors (e.g., death or divorce).

A review of the literature of the past 10 years investigating family factors in the onset and outcome of medical and psychiatric childhood disorders points to some general findings that also may have implications for research and intervention in ASPERGERS [38]:

(1) Shared environmental factors play less of a role in internalizing disorders; rather, family processes (particularly criticism and emotional over-involvement) differentially focused on one youngster affects the risk for depression. Criticism also is associated with poor outcome for many medical and psychiatric disorders.

(2) Family processes may be a problem area, but also the added stress of an affected youngster can lead to changes in family functioning. Helping the family to cope has been shown to improve the medical outcome of kids; reducing the burden on families affected by autism or ASPERGERS also may help to mitigate secondary behavioral problems in the youngster.

(3) Family variables are especially relevant to the onset and course of externalizing disorders; interventions directed at changing the family environment or mother/fathering style can mitigate the expression of externalizing symptoms.

Implications for intervention—

People with ASPERGERS show several assets, including good cognitive ability, well developed language skills, and areas of special interest through which they may forge friendships and find satisfying jobs. The indication from descriptive reports, clinical experience, and outcome research, however, is that persons with ASPERGERS may be less impaired than those with HIGH FUNCTIONING AUTISM, but still endure a severe developmental disability. A minority of people achieves some independence in self-care and gainful employment, but most tend to live at home, hold no job, and have few or no friends. The research on long-term adjustment and comparative outcome in ASPERGERS and autism highlights the importance of some basic though often neglected components of intervention:

• Although sometimes proffered, there is no “cure” for autism or ASPERGERS at present. As such, the therapeutic process needs to be seen as continuous. Impairments in the youngster with ASPERGERS linger and core deficits are likely to manifest in different ways at different developmental stages. This should not diminish the effect of important developmental gains, nor obscure the next required step.

• Appropriate educational opportunities and support services need to be secured early, even in the face of more subtle deficits. Although people with ASPERGERS display cognitive and academic strengths, their capacity for independent functioning and forming relationships is persistently impaired. Intervention needs to focus on enhancing social communication and competence, and adaptive functioning.

• Gaps in awareness and services need to be addressed, including producing a greater research-based body of knowledge on outcome and effective interventions in ASPERGERS, and augmenting community and employment resources, recognizing that the affected youngster or adolescent will become an adult with ASPERGERS.

• In addition to support for the youngster or adolescent with ASPERGERS, there needs to be effective support for families. This may include mother/father guidance aimed at increasing understanding, helping with difficulties responding to behaviors, or effecting change in negative patterns of interaction; management issues, such as interactions with school authorities, organizing time, and planning for the future; and enhancing coping resources, providing moms and dads and siblings with an opportunity to verbalize their thoughts and feelings.

• Peer isolation and victimization are a frequent problem and may increase risk for depression; a learning environment that fosters a climate of acceptance in which the youngster with ASPERGERS feels secure and supported is vital. In addition, opportunities for social interaction and facilitation of social relationships in fairly structured and supervised activities are suggested. The make-up of these groups should be carefully selected in terms of not including peers who, despite having a good understanding of social rules, might violate the rules or would be likely to tease the youngster.

• Transition planning is of paramount importance. The learning curriculum from the start should be based on long-term goals, including autonomy, employment, and fulfillment. One strategy is to capitalize on relative strengths and foster talents and interests in a systematic fashion. There also needs to be specific training that focuses on the skills needed for self sufficiency (e.g., self-care, shopping, and transportation use) and skills needed for college or employment.

Living With Aspergers: Help for Couples



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Ways to Stop Aggressive Behavior in Aspergers Children

Question

Is there a way to stop aggressive behavior when a young child with Aspergers is in the middle of a meltdown?

Answer

It is not uncommon for kids with Aspergers (high-functioning autism) to become aggressive. Aspergers causes a youngster to struggle to understand how their behaviors affect other kids. The many symptoms and characteristics of the disorder can cause extreme frustration. This frustration can lead to anxiety, depression, anger, and aggressive behavior. 

Here are a few specific reasons for aggressive meltdowns:
  • Change of routine: Inability to handle unexpected changes in the daily schedule, such as a substitute teacher or a cancelled class period
  • Communication problems: Inability to recognize humor, sarcasm, or slang during conversations with peers
  • Sensory issues: Inability to handle the discomfort in the environment due to sights, sounds, smells, or other sensory dysfunction
  • Social struggles: Inability to understand social cues and gestures or to make and keep friends

Aspergers calls for a direct approach. Therapies such as cognitive-behavioral therapy, social skills training, and occupational therapy will help with levels of frustration and also touch on self-control, a necessary skill for all of us. However, there are several things parents can do at home to lessen the impact of aggressive meltdowns.

Here are a few tips:

  • Redirection can sometimes be used during the beginning stages of a meltdown to reduce the escalation.
  • Removal from the situation is necessary once a meltdown has developed.
  • Role-play appropriate responses to tricky situations with your youngster. Role-playing is an excellent option for teaching all types of social skills to kids with Asperger’s.
  • Social stories are excellent for teaching young kids about problem behaviors. These should be used during quiet moments and not during any stage of aggressiveness or frustration.
  • Teach youngster to recognize red light/green light behaviors, red being a poor choice and green being a good choice.

==> How To Prevent Meltdowns and Tantrums In Children With High-Functioning Autism and Asperger's

==> Parenting System that Significantly Reduces Defiant Behavior in Teens with Aspergers and High-Functioning Autism

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